1. As the authors pieced together evidence, intelligence note by intelligence note, it became clear that the conspiracy to murder Mahatma Gandhi was not the handiwork of a lone wolf or a few fanatic members of the Hindu Mahasabha. Most importantly, it was not conceived just a few weeks before 30 January 1948. The new evidence presented in this book traces the origins of the conspiracy to a time as early as a week before Independence Day in 1947. In the authors’ opinion, this discovery has enormous significance for the contemporary understanding of a defining moment in India’s history.
2. The book challenges the widely held perception that the Mahatma’s assassination was a response to the latter’s insistence that the Government of India pay fifty-five crore rupees to Pakistan, and the rehabilitation of Muslims from December 1947 to January 1948. Even the Jeevan Lal Kapur Commission, which was set up two decades later to re-examine the assassination, focused only on the key events from December 1947 onwards. Hence, what is presented in this book is fresh evidence, brought to light for the very first time.
3. The evidence the book puts forth—re-enacting the events from 8 August 1947 until the assassination on 30 January 1948—serves as a time capsule of the political struggles that had been unfolding over four decades, in which Gandhi’s politics of non-violence and the Hindu right wing’s programme of Hindutva feature prominently.
4. The book examines the key questions – which Gandhi was killed, and why was Gandhi killed? The assassin, Nathuram Godse, said at his trial that with Gandhi gone, the government could follow ‘practical politics’, which in other words meant that the state was free to take violent recourse in the ‘national interest’. According to Godse, he had killed a man who was anti-state and hence anti-national.
The state that Godse and the Hindu right wing was obsessed with was an aggressively centralized one, a type of state that Gandhi did not want because he envisioned the decentralization of power. Gandhi never wavered in his belief in and commitment towards non-violence and remained opposed to a monocentric state with brute machinery.
Godse thought he had killed a man who was anti-state and, hence, anti-national. But the difference between Gandhi and Godse (read, the Hindu right) can be properly understood through a basic disagreement over the morality of the use of aggression by the state, which the book attempts to do.
5. In recent years, the national narrative has become preoccupied with either vigorously opposing or enthusiastically supporting the rehabilitation of V.D. Savarkar or Godse, whereas the real aim should be the rehabilitation, critically and empathetically, of Gandhian thought. The Gandhian doctrine was also about the practice of Sarvodaya—concern for the well-being for all—as a permanent antidote to hate and fear.
The book examines in detail: is Gandhi the moral compass that the nation needs today?
Which Gandhi did Godse and his compatriots kill? They killed a Gandhi who was not anti-state nor was he an anti-national. They killed a Gandhi who was an egalitarian. They killed a Gandhi who was a Hindu, a committed practitioner of ahimsa, and a deeply spiritual man.
In short, Godse and those whom he represented killed a Gandhi they completely misunderstood. Or perhaps they never had the ethical sensibility and the spiritual imagination that are necessary to understand him in the first place.
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